"Bal Gangadhar Tilak"
Tilak grew up in a well-educated
middle-class Brahman family. Despite being born in Bombay (Mumbai), he was
raised in a village near the Arabian Sea coast in what is now Maharashtra state
until he was ten years old, when his father, an educator and prominent
grammarian, moved to Poona (now Pune). Tilak received his education at Poona's
Deccan College, where he earned bachelor's degrees in mathematics and Sanskrit
in 1876. Tilak went on to study law and graduated from the University of Bombay
in 1879. (now Mumbai). However, he elected to teach mathematics in a private
school in Poona at the time. His political career was launched at the
institution. After forming the Deccan Education Society (1884), which aspired
to educate the masses, especially in the English language; he and his
companions thought English to be a potent force for the dissemination of
liberal and democratic values, and he transformed the organization into a
university college.
.png)
The society's life members were intended
to follow a selfless service ethos, but Tilak left after learning that some
members were hoarding outside revenues for themselves. He subsequently shifted
his attention to raising people's political awareness through two weekly
newspapers he owned and edited: Kesari ("The Lion"), which was
published in Marathi, and The Mahratta, which was published in English. Tilak
became well-known for his vehement attacks on British rule and moderate
nationalists who promoted social changes along Western lines and political
reforms along constitutional lines through those periodicals.
Rise to national prominence
Tilak's activities enraged the Indian people,
but they also enraged the British government, which charged him with sedition
and sentenced him to prison in 1897. He was given the title Lokamanya
("Beloved Leader of the People") after his trial and punishment.
After 18 months, he was liberated.
When Viceroy of India Lord Curzon
partitioned Bengal in 1905, Tilak enthusiastically backed the Bengali demand
for the partition's annulment and promoted a boycott of British goods, which quickly
became a national campaign. The next year, he laid forth the Tenets of the New
Party, a program of passive resistance that he hoped would break the hypnotic
grip of British control and prepare the people for sacrifice in order to attain
independence. Tilak's means of nonviolent noncooperation with the British, such
as boycotting commodities and passive resistance, were later adopted by
Mohandas (Mahatma) Gandhi in his nonviolent noncooperation campaign
(satyagraha). Taking advantage of the nationalist forces' divisions, the
government charged Tilak with sedition and encouraging terrorism and deported
him to Mandalay, Burma (Myanmar), where he would spend a six-year sentence.
Tilak sat down in the Mandalay jail to
write his greatest opus, the read Bhagavad-Gita Rahasya ("Secret of the Bhagavad-Gita")—also
known as Bhagavad Gita or Gita Rahasya—an unique presentation of Hinduism's
most sacred text. Tilak rejected the conventional concept that the Bhagavad-Gita
teaches the ideal of renunciation, believing instead that it teaches selfless
service to humanity. He had previously authored The Orion; or, Researches into
the Antiquity of the Vedas in 1893, and The Arctic Home in the Vedas a decade
later.
Tilak returned to politics after his
release in 1914, on the eve of World War I. "Swarajya is my birthright,
and I shall have it," he declared when launching the Home Rule League. (At
around the same period, activist Annie Besant founded an organization with the
same name.) In 1916, he rejoined the Congress Party and with Mohammed Ali
Jinnah, the future creator of Pakistan, signed the historic Lucknow Pact, a
Hindu-Muslim agreement.
Tilak had settled down already by the time
he returned home in late 1919 to attend a Congress Party meeting in Amritsar to
oppose Gandhi's policy of boycotting legislative council elections, which had
been established as part of the reforms that followed the Montagu-Chelmsford
Report to Parliament in 1918. He died before he could give the new reforms a
clear direction, though. Gandhi referred to him as "the Maker of Modern
India," and Jawaharlal Nehru, India's first prime minister, referred to
him as "the Father of the Indian Revolution" in honors.
1. स्वराज मेरा जन्मसिद्ध अधिकार है और मैं इसे लेकर रहूँगा।
.png)
2. भारत की गरीबी पूरी तरह से वर्तमान शासन की वजह से है।
.png)
3. यदि भगवान छुआछूत को मानते हैं, तो मैं उन्हें भगवान नहीं कहूँगा।
.png)
4. आपका लक्ष्य किसी जादू से नहीं पूरा होगा, बल्कि आपको ही अपना लक्ष्य प्राप्त करना पड़ेगा।
.png)
5. मानव स्वभाव ही ऐसा है कि हम बिना उत्सवों के नहीं रह सकते, उत्सवप्रिय होना मानव स्वभाव है। हमारे त्यौहार होने ही चाहिए।
.png)
6. कर्त्तव्य पथ पर गुलाब-जल नहीं छिड़का होता है और ना ही उस पर गुलाब उगते हैं।
.png)
7. आप केवल कर्म करते जाइए, उसके परिणामों पर ध्यान मत दीजिये।
.png)
8. महान उपलब्धियाँ कभी भी आसानी से नहीं मिलती और आसानी से मिली उपलब्धियाँ महान नहीं होतीं।
.png)
9. आप मुश्किल समय में खतरों और असफलताओं के डर से बचने का प्रयास मत कीजिये। वे तो निश्चित रूप से आपके मार्ग में आयेंगे ही।
.png)
10. जब लोहा गरम हो तभी उस पर चोट कीजिए। आपको निश्चय ही सफलता का यश प्राप्त होगा।
.png)
11. मनुष्य का प्रमुख लक्ष्य भोजन प्राप्त करना ही नहीं है। एक कौवा भी जीवित रहता है और जूठन पर पलता है।
.png)
12. गर्म हवा के झोंकों में जाए बिना, कष्ट उठाये बिना, पैरों मे छाले पड़े बिना स्वतन्त्रता नहीं मिल सकती। बिना कष्ट के कुछ नहीं मिलता।
.png)
13. क्या पता ये भगवान की मर्जी हो कि मैं जिस वजह का प्रतिनिधित्व करता हूँ, उसे मेरे आजाद रहने से ज्यादा मेरे दुखी होने से अधिक लाभ मिले।
.png)
14. यह सत्य है कि बारिश की कमी के कारण अकाल पड़ता है। लेकिन यह भी सत्य है कि हमारे लोगों में इस बुराई से लड़ने की शक्ति नहीं है।
.png)
15. प्रातः काल में उदय होने के लिए ही सूरज संध्या काल के अंधकार में डूब जाता है और अंधकार में जाए बिना प्रकाश प्राप्त नहीं हो सकता।
.png)
16. भारत का तब तक खून बहाया जा रहा है, जब तक यहाँ सिर्फ कंकाल शेष ना रह जाएं।
.png)
17. कमजोर ना बनें, शक्तिशाली बनें और यह विश्वास रखें कि भगवान हमेशा आपके साथ है।
.png)
18. यदि हम किसी भी देश के इतिहास के अतीत में जाएं, तो हम अंत में मिथकों और परम्पराओं के काल में पहुंच जाते हैं। जो आखिरकार अभेद्य अन्धकार में खो जाता है।
.png)
19. अपने हितों की रक्षा के लिए यदि हम स्वयं जागरूक नहीं होंगे तो दूसरा कौन होगा ? हमे इस समय सोना नहीं चाहिये, हमें अपने लक्ष्य की पूर्ति के लिए प्रयत्न करना चाहिये।
.png)
.png)
.png)
